Making the ‘Invisible’ Visible?
Reviewing Translated Works
Summary
The book takes its inspiration from The Translator’s Invisibility: A History of Translation, in which Lawrence Venuti examines the reviewing of translations and contends that fluency is the main criterion against which translations are read and assessed by reviewers, ultimately rendering the translator «invisible». The book therefore provides a timely and thorough update to Venuti’s study and offers insights into the status of translation in book reviews.
Excerpt
Table Of Contents
- Cover
- Title
- Copyright
- About the author
- About the book
- This eBook can be cited
- Contents
- List of figures and tables
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- Chapter 1 What purpose(s) does a review serve?
- Chapter 2 Building on The Translator’s Invisibility
- Chapter 3 Reviewing in the United Kingdom
- Chapter 4 Reviewing in France
- Chapter 5 Reviewing in Germany
- Chapter 6 Reviewing the invisible: An entirely Anglo-American phenomenon?
- Conclusion
- Bibliography
- Index
Figures and tables
Figures
- Figure 1: Percentage of reviews assigned to each category across the different UK platforms
- Figure 2: Percentage of reviews assigned to each category across the different French platforms
- Figure 3: Percentage of reviews assigned to each category across the different German platforms
- Figure 4: Percentage of reviews assigned to each category across amazon.co.uk, amazon.fr, amazon.de
- Figure 5: Percentage of reviews assigned to each category across the broadsheets/cultural supplements
- Figure 6: Percentage of reviews assigned to each category across the specialised literary magazines
Tables
Table 1: Categories for classification of reviews
Acknowledgements
The foundations for this book were established during my period of PhD study between 2015 and 2021. First and foremost, therefore, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my two main supervisors during that period, Dr Kathryn Batchelor and Dr Alex Mével, for their continuous support and enthusiasm throughout the research and writing process, as well as Dr Yvonne Lee who kindly stepped in as a supervisor once Kathryn had left for pastures new. I really could not have wished for a better supervision team – The ‘Dream Team’.
A special mention for Alex: you have become not only a much-valued colleague but also an excellent friend. You know how much I appreciate all your support, both personal and professional.
I would also like to thank my colleagues in the Department of Modern Languages and Cultures at the University of Nottingham for being generous with their time and providing feedback on my ideas for this book. There are too many of you to name, but I appreciate your valuable input into my professional life daily.
A massive thank you to my family, too, and particularly my Mum and Grandad who have supported me the whole way through my academic career and beyond. You both know how much your support is appreciated.
Last, but certainly not least, thank you to Rachel for believing in me, for encouraging me and for making me want to be the best person that I can possibly be.
Introduction
In his 1995 seminal work, The Translator’s Invisibility, Lawrence Venuti introduces the notion of invisibility, a term that he uses to describe the translator’s situation and activity in contemporary British and American cultures. The renowned translation scholar believes that the work of British and American translators is concealed not only by the way in which the translators themselves seek to use the target language to naturalise the cultural elements and linguistic features of the source text for their target audience but also by how translations are read and evaluated by publishers, reviewers and general readers. Venuti (1995: 1) asserts that a translated text is judged acceptable ‘when it reads fluently, when the absence of any linguistic or stylistic peculiarities makes it seem transparent, giving the appearance that it reflects the foreign writer’s personality or intention or the essential meaning of the foreign text’, or, more precisely, when it does not read like a translation at all. Venuti (ibid.: 1) finds this status quo troubling, as the illusion of transparency ‘conceals the numerous conditions under which the translation is made, starting with the translator’s crucial intervention’, and leads to what he terms a weird self-annihilation for translators. In other words, translators undertake translation in such a way that reinforces its marginal status in Anglo-American cultures and maintains its second-order status, simply being considered a copy of the all-important original text.
Venuti provides several distinct examples of ways in which translation and translators are marginalised. First of all, he discusses copyright law and contractual arrangements. On the one hand, British and American copyright laws allow the translator’s name to appear in the copyright of the work and thus openly acknowledge that the translator ‘uses another language for the foreign text and therefore can be understood as creating an original work’ (ibid.: 8). Yet, on the other hand, Venuti (ibid.: 8) also demonstrates how translation is defined in British and American law as ‘an “adaptation” or “derivative work” based on an “original work of authorship”, whose copyright […] is vested in the “author”’, ultimately meaning that the translator is subordinated to the author of the original text. Copyright law, then, essentially does not allow the author of the original work and the translator of the translated work to have an equal status, furthering the notion that translation is somehow second-rate. The way in which translation contracts have often been formulated is inherently tied to these copyright laws. Venuti (ibid.: 9) shows how translators are frequently required to assign the copyright to the original author, meaning that translators are often paid a ‘flat fee per thousand words of the translating language, regardless of the potential income from the sale of books and subsidiary rights’. The scholar provides the startling example of American translator Paul Blackburn, who, in 1965, produced an English translation that filled 277 pages as a printed book and received a total of $1,200 for his services. The original author, Julio Cortázar, on the other hand, received a $2,000 advance against royalties, amounting to 7.5% of the list price for the first 5,000 copies. Once more, then, the work of the translator has frequently been underestimated and undervalued in contracts. Venuti does acknowledge that translators have, over the past twenty years or so, received an improvement in their financial terms, often receiving an advance against royalties. And yet this improvement has been small and still does not allow for the work of the translator to be recognised in the same way as – or even close to – the (financial) recognition an author of an original work could expect.
Another significant way in which translators and translations are marginalised in Britain and America, according to Venuti (ibid.: 11), is through book production. He demonstrates how, despite a huge increase in the overall number of books published in the two countries, the ‘number of translations has remained between 2 and 4 per cent of total annual output’: in 2001, for example, 190,001 books were published by British companies, yet only 1,668 were translations (or 1.4%); American publishers, in a similar vein, published 195,000 books in 2004, and only 4,040 of these were translations (or 2.07%). This is particularly startling when compared to the figures that Venuti provides for Britain’s western European neighbours, such as France and Germany. Venuti (ibid.: 11) claims that the translation rate in France ‘has varied between 8 and 12 per cent of the total’, backed up by the fact that 9.9% of the 29,068 books brought out by French publishers in 1985 were translations. The translation rate has been almost as high in Germany, too: in 2004, Venuti finds that German publishers brought out 61,015 books and 8,716 of these were translations (or 7.3%). Venuti believes that such publishing statistics and patterns themselves ‘point to a trade imbalance with serious cultural ramifications’ (ibid.: 11), with British and American publishers making huge profits from translations out of English and successfully encouraging the promotion of their own cultural values in a foreign context, whilst making their English-speaking readership ‘accustomed to fluent translations that invisibly inscribe foreign texts with British and American values and provide readers with the narcissistic experience of recognising their own culture in a cultural other’ (ibid.: 12).
Venuti’s figures are very convincing and depict an alarming situation for translated works in the Anglo-American world. However, the use of percentage rates to compare publishing practices in different countries could be misleading, as pointed out by Anthony Pym, who questions whether such figures really reveal much. Pym (1996) asks us to consider the years which are central to Venuti’s period of analysis (1960–1986) and shows how the Index Translatonium lists more than 2.5 times as many translations in Britain and the United States (1,640,930) than in France (624,830). He claims, then, that ‘risking a fair extrapolation, there were far more translations into English than into French’ (ibid.: 167). However, the extrapolation that Pym risks does not allow us to make a certain conclusion about the number of translations to which English-speaking readers had access compared to their French-speaking counterparts. Furthermore, the Index Translatonium is not the most reliable of sources, depending completely on libraries and other institutions providing them with bibliographical data. Venuti’s data, then, may well hold up to scrutiny after all. If we look at more recent figures relating to publishing practices, a picture similar to the one painted by Venuti does indeed emerge.
Comprehensive publishing figures, particularly for translated works, are difficult to find in the United Kingdom. Given that the ‘generally accepted and often-cited translation rate [in the United Kingdom] is approximately three per cent’ (Donahaye 2012: 4), it seems acceptable to extrapolate this percentage to the 188,000 books which were actually published in 2018 (WIPO 2020). This gives rise to an approximate 5,640 translated books published in the United Kingdom in the year 2018. The publishing figures for France and Germany are, on the other hand, much more comprehensive, up-to-date and accessible, which is perhaps rather revealing in itself. For the year 2018, 12,591 of the 82,313 books released by French publishers were translations, or 15.3% (Observatoire de l’économie du livre 2020). Similarly, German publishers released 71,548 titles in the year 2018, of which 9,803 were translations, or 13.7% (Börsenverein des Deutschen Buchhandels 2020). These statistics reveal a significant difference not only in the translation percentage rates but also in the actual number of translated books published in the United Kingdom in the year 2018. These figures thus provide greater weight to Venuti’s argument than his original statistics.
The role of reviewers
Yet, according to Venuti (1995), the most significant manner in which the invisibility of the translator becomes most apparent is how translations are reviewed. In The Translator’s Invisibility, Venuti examines a sample of translated literature from a range of British and American periodicals, both literary and mass-audience, across a sixty-year period (1946–2005). He chooses examples with various kinds of narratives and from different genres, ranging from novels and short stories to philosophy and politics. Many of these translations were commercial successes in English; some were initially successful, but then became marginalised; yet others came to market with very little notice. Venuti discovers that reviewers very rarely address the translation in any meaningful way, but if they do, their comments usually ‘focus on its style, neglecting such other possible questions as its accuracy, its intended audience, its economic value in the current book market, its relation to literary trends in English, its place in the translator’s career’ (Venuti 1995: 2). Ultimately, the reviewers in question ‘have grown amazingly consistent in praising fluency while damning deviations from it, even when the most diverse range of foreign texts is considered’ (ibid.: 2). This assertion overlaps significantly with the findings of previous scholars, such as Christ (1984) and Maier (1990). Christ (1984: 8) describes how translations tended to be reviewed in the 1980s in his contribution to PEN American Center Newsletter: many newspapers ‘do not even list the translators in headnotes to reviews [and] reviewers often fail to mention that a book is a translation while quoting from the text as though it were written in English’. Maier (1990: 19), in a similar vein, discovered that North American reviewers of a translation in the late 1980s ‘focus almost exclusively on [its] potential role in English, comparing it to “similar” works in North American literature and evaluating the ease with which it can be read’. This certainly adds weight to Venuti’s argument that the work of the translator is very frequently concealed.
Venuti supports his central argument with a selection of excerpts from the reviews under investigation. The reviews commend translations which are elegant, flowing and fluid. West refers to Rabassa’s translation as ‘a triumph of fluent, gravid momentum, all stylishness and commonsensical virtuosity’ (Book World 1970, in Venuti 1995: 3). The Times Literary Supplement assesses a translation to be ‘pleasantly fluent’, so much so that ‘two chapters of it have already appeared in Playboy magazine’ (Times Literary Supplement 1969, in Venuti 1995: 3). On the other hand, those translations which are wooden, unidiomatic or clumsy are overwhelmingly castigated by reviewers. Anthony Burgess (New York Times Book Review 1990, in Venuti 1995: 3), for example, appears to criticise Helen Lane’s translation of the title of the book, as it is ‘faithful to Mario Vargas Llosa’s – “Elogio de la Madrasta” – but not quite idiomatic’. Balderston (New York Times Book Review 1992, in Venuti 1995: 3), on the other hand, assesses a translation to be ‘wooden’, ‘careless’ or ‘inaccurate’, claiming that it shows ‘all the signs of hurried work and inadequate revision’. Translations, therefore, do seem to have been judged acceptable when they read fluently and idiomatically.
Details
- Pages
- XII, 216
- Publication Year
- 2024
- ISBN (PDF)
- 9781803740317
- ISBN (ePUB)
- 9781803740324
- ISBN (Softcover)
- 9781803740300
- DOI
- 10.3726/b21881
- Language
- English
- Publication date
- 2024 (July)
- Keywords
- Venuti invisibility of translation quality assessment reviewing reviewing practices literary criticism translation criticism
- Published
- Oxford, Berlin, Bruxelles, Chennai, Lausanne, New York, 2024. XII, 216 pp., 6 fig. col., 1 table.